The Interplay between Activism and Radicalism: A Cross-Sectional Survey Examining the Youth Values and Intention during the 2019-2020 Social Movement in Hong Kong

Background and Purpose:
In February 2019, the Hong Kong government’s proposal of a new extradition bill was thought to have evoked concerns among Hong Kong citizens that they would be under the scrutiny of the legal system in Mainland China. The proposal was followed by a year-long period of protests that escalated into mass political crisis. Adolescents and young adults actively participated in various activities to express their demands during the on-going social events. Some protesters engaged in legal and non-violent political activities whereas some turned to illegal and violent political activities. Behind these wide range of activities, there is a need to explore youth’s political involvement and their values in an in-depth manner. The study aimed to examine youth values and political intentions during the 2019-2020 Social Movement in Hong Kong.

Method:
Seven hundred and twelve participants (492 females) between 15 and 25 years old (M = 20.63, SD = 3.03) were recruited from educational institutions and community bodies in Hong Kong to complete an online survey in February 2020. The Activism and Radicalism Intentions Scale was used to measure participants’ intention to partake in legal, non-violent and illegal, violent acts for political purposes. The Short Schwartz’s Values Survey was adopted to measure participants’ perceived importance of basic human values.

Results:
Based on respondents’ activism and radicalism scores, four political intention groups were constructed in this study: dissociates (n=263), antagonists (n=282), radicalists (n=85), and activists (n=82). Dissociates comprised participants who exhibited low activism and radicalism scores, whereas antagonists expressed high levels of both activism and radicalism.

Kruskal-Wallis one-way ANOVA test was conducted to examine if perceived importance of basic human values differed significantly among the four groups. Significant group differences were found in perceived importance of openness to change, χ² (3) = 30.29, p < .001, self-enhancement, χ² (3) = 20.31, p < .001, and self-transcendence, χ² (3) = 56.49, p < .001. Dwass-Steel-Critchlow-Fligner pairwise comparison test results revealed that antagonists perceived openness to change, W = 7.48, self-enhancement, W = 5.84, and self-transcendence, W = 10.17, as more important than dissociates, all at p < .001. Activists similarly perceived openness to change, W = 4.48, p = .008, self-enhancement, W = 3.72, p = .043, and self-transcendence, W = 6.37, p < .001 as more important than dissociates. Finally, radicalists perceived self-transcendence as more important than dissociates, W = 3.65, p = .048.

Conclusions and Implications:
By proposing the categorization of four political groups that vary in levels of activism and radicalism, the current study contributes to the literature on the youth political landscape in Hong Kong. The study highlights the significance of the role that basic human values play in driving youth political intention and behavior. Stakeholders such as the Hong Kong government and other legislative bodies, as well as organizations and committees representing the interests of Hong Kong youth, will benefit from findings of the current study. An understanding of factors that motivate youth political intention and behavior will promote dialogues between the aforementioned stakeholders.