Negotiating the Struggle for Economic Wellbeing: Social Support and the Odds of Economic Hardship for Undocumented Latinos

Background. Undocumented status excludes people from formal employment and the state safety net. Despite this, over 6 million undocumented Latino immigrants live in the U.S. In this context of economic exclusion, how do they fare? While indicators of economic wellbeing like income and household poverty assess resource intake, critics assert that strictly monetary-based measures fail to capture the nuances of economic wellbeing. Households may obtain non-monetary resources from other sources or, conversely, expend all their monetary resources on needs like housing and healthcare leaving little for food. Key to making ends meet in such circumstances are social ties. This study thus aimed to (a) assess predictors of economic wellbeing as defined by both monetary and direct indicators and (b) evaluate the relationship of social support to economic wellbeing.

Methods. I pooled data from the four most recent national Survey of Income and Program Participation panels to assess economic wellbeing of undocumented Latino immigrants. I followed an established imputation process that identifies undocumented immigrants by citizenship and public program participation. I used logistic regression to predict economic wellbeing (household poverty, food insecurity and material hardship) from undocumented status, controlling for standard demographic, human capital and work-related characteristics. Then I added three variables measuring expectations of social support from family, friends or community to that model.

Results. Undocumented Latinos were about 50% more likely to experience material hardship and food insecurity than Latinos with authorized status. Household poverty, however, was not statistically different by status. Social support appeared to have a buffering effect. Though not a moderator of undocumented status, inclusion of social support both improved model fit and was associated with a reduction in likelihood of hardship–from 40% to 34% for material hardship and 51% to 46% for food insecurity. Expectations of friend or family support were associated with a lower likelihood of both, yet expectations of community support was only associated with a lower likelihood of material hardship. Focusing on undocumented Latinos, surprisingly, being female, urban residence, and higher household number decreased odds of household poverty. While full-time work was associated with a lower likelihood of material hardship and food insecurity and parenting more children associated with a higher likelihood of food insecurity, other relationships were not significant. Adding social support improved overall model fit and revealed that undocumented Latinos who expect family support were 60% less likely to experience material hardship or food insecurity.

Implications. That the odds of hardship for immigrant Latinos was comparable across immigration status when defined by an income-based measure yet higher for undocumented Latinos when defined by direct measures suggests that though undocumented Latinos may have similar access to income, they may face higher costs of living leading to greater hardship. Additionally, that including social support reduced hardship points to interventions that support social ties and reinforce economies of scale. Further research is needed to explore how undocumented Latinos negotiate social support to get by.