The Association between Economic Activity and Fertility Outcomes Among Married Migrant Women in South Korea

Background and Purpose

South Korea is facing a demographic crisis, driven by persistently low fertility and rapid population aging. In this context, married migrant women represent an increasingly important group in understanding the country’s fertility dynamics, as they have higher fertility than native-born Korean women. Importantly, these foreign-born women experience higher levels of economic insecurity, which may have significant implications for fertility patterns. This study examines the relationship between economic activity and fertility outcomes including number of children and birth spacing among married migrant women in South Korea, a topic that has been largely overlooked in the literature.

Methods

Data were drawn from the 2021 National Survey of Multicultural Families. Fertility outcomes, the dependent variable, were assessed in two dimensions: number of children (n=8,824) and birth intervals. Birth intervals were categorized as the duration between the start of cohabitation and the birth of the first child (n=7,266), and the duration between the first and second births (n=3,833). Economic activity was assessed with labor force participation, employment status, and occupational category. Control variables included socio-demographic characteristics (age, education, spouse's education, spouse's employment status, household income, housing tenure, remarriage status, region) and migration-related factors (length of stay in Korea, Korean language proficiency, country of origin). Ordinary least squares linear regression models were estimated.

Results

First, married migrant women in the labor force had fewer children (b=-0.17, p<.001) and shorter intervals to both the first (b=-0.28, p<.001) and second births (b=-0.21, p<.01) than those not in the labor force. Second, compared to non-participants, regular workers had fewer children (b=-0.26, p<.001) and shorter intervals to both the first and second births (b=-0.33, p<.001; b=-0.27, p<.01). Temporary workers also had fewer children (b=-0.10, p<.001) and shorter intervals to the first birth (b=-0.26, p<.001). Among self-employed women, no significant difference was found in the number of children; however, both birth intervals were significantly shorter (b=-0.21, p<.05; b=-0.31, p<.01). Third, married migrant women in professional and clerical, as well as production, agricultural and elementary occupations had fewer children than non-participants (b=-0.16, p<.001; b=-0.20, p<.001). They also had shorter intervals to both the first (b=-0.20, p<.05; b=-0.30, p<.001) and second births (b=-0.32, p<.01; b=-0.26, p<.01). Meanwhile, women in service and sales occupations exhibited a similar pattern for number of children (b=-0.08, p<.05) and time to first birth (b=-0.29, p<.001), but not for second birth intervals.

Conclusion and Implications

Married migrant women's economic activity was found to be associated not only with the number of children, but also with the birth spacing. These patterns may reflect strategic choices to remain in the labor market. Specifically, variations in employment status and occupational category were linked to earlier childbearing and shorter birth intervals, indicating that reproductive decisions may differ depending on economic activity profiles. The results of this study highlight the need to support these women in reconciling work and family life.